The England national football team has been representing the English nation on the international sporting stage since 1872. Since that time, the media surrounding it has played a fundamental part in reproducing the concept of Englishness to the nation. Because of its multifaceted nature, this essay will explore how multiple theoretical approaches surrounding the nation are applicable when reviewing the media coverage of England’s EURO 2020 campaign and its place in reproducing ideas of English national identity. This is because when used as a case study, media coverage of the England team arguably acts as an intersection between many of the key theoretical ideas of the nation, as we will explore how it exemplifies elements of Anderson’s imagined community (2006), Dayan and Katz’s media events (1992) and even Billig’s banal nationalism (2010).
Imagined Communities and Football’s Place Within:
Firstly, it is important to define what is meant by a nation within the context of this essay. Anderson describes a nation as an ‘imagined community’ and even though members of said community will ‘never know most of their fellow-members’ (Anderson 2006, pp. 6) they are joined in each other’s minds by an image of communion. For England, this image of communion is created using symbols and experiences that make up a mythological idea of Englishness (Gibbons and Malcom 2017, pp. 7). These symbols range from rolling hills and strawberries and cream, to Churchill’s iconic ‘We shall fight them on the beaches’ speech. All of these symbols come together to create a narrow and aggrandised view of Englishness and one that in its totality, realistically exists for no one individual within the nation (Bechhofer and McCrone 2013, pp. 550). Nevertheless, the England team acts as one of these key symbols, with football being able to distill down these sentiments into something more tangible, because as Hobsbawm states, ‘the imagined community of millions seems more real as a team of eleven named people’ (2012, pp. 143). However, even off the pitch, much can be garnered from the words of former England manager, Gareth Southgate, as before the start of the EURO 2020 campaign he composed an open letter to the public titled ‘Dear England’. Within it, there are passages where he discusses the idea of Englishness and what it means to him.
“Like with our own memories of watching England, everyone has a different idea of what it actually means to be English. What pride means.
For me, personally, my sense of identity and values is closely tied to my family and particularly my granddad. He was a fierce patriot and a proud military man, who served during World War II” (Southgate 2021).
Here, we see how the England manager associates Englishness with his own sense of self, pride and military service. Thus, like many within the nation, he does not wish to associate any negative feelings, experiences or historical realities with the idea of Englishness itself (Anderson 2006, pp. 187-206; Sen 2009). These ideas are key to Anderson’s imagined community, as he states that despite the real inequality and injustices that might exist within a nation, it is nevertheless always ‘conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship’ (2006, pp. 7). Anderson also states that it is this feeling of mutual comradeship that makes people willing to die in war for love of country (2006, pp. 7), which is reflected within Southgate’s sentiments of intense patriotism being closely tied to the military. However, it is important to mention that Southgate also acknowledges that these sentiments are not universal and that the idea of Englishness is both individual and abstract. He continues these thoughts later in the letter with:
“For many of that younger generation, your notion of Englishness is quite different from my own. I understand that, too” (Southgate 2021).
Therefore, despite Southgate’s own traditionalist ideas of English national identity, he was praised within the media for his letters moving, honest and progressive nature (Colman 2021; Chandler 2021). One could argue that this was partly because of how his views resonate with the dichotomy that many people find within their own ideals of national pride and identity. It is common for those within a modern nation to resonate with its traditionalist symbols of nationhood, whilst also claiming to want progression and advancement (Prchal 2007).
Being attached to your nation’s mythologised past, whilst also acknowledging the faults and injustices of its current and historical structures is a balancing act that many tread within modern times. Many people still feel dependent on the strong sense of belonging and attachment which these imagined communities reproduce (Bond 2006). Therefore, as Southgate feels comfortable directly relaying these sentiments, whilst acting as the England football team manager, one of the most iconic institutional symbols of Englishness, we can see just how much Anderson’s imagined community (2006) was reproduced within the England football team’s media output during EURO 2020.
Providing the Human Touch to Nationhood:
Although Anderson’s ideas of a shared image, history, culture and togetherness can be comforting to many, human beings have evolved with the need for physical, in-person community and belonging (Baumeister and Leary 1995), which cannot be assuaged by such abstract concepts as Englishness alone. In the modern world, where studies show just under half of all adults in the UK report feeling lonely to some degree (Campaign to End Loneliness 2023), there appears to be a hunger for real human connection among the public, which is not being met, despite modern technology allowing us to be more virtually connected than ever.
Therefore, despite our collective experience of nationhood, there is still the instinctive drive for something corporeal and tangible, akin to local communities of the past (Baumeister and Leary 1995, pp. 499), which cannot be sated by social constructs of the mind. However, just as the national team adds to the imagined community of England through its ever-present institutional nature (Anderson 2006), it also provides the public with shared experiences of intense emotion and kinship, which both satisfy this drive and are rare elsewhere in the modern nation.
During EURO 2020 specifically, one could point to the visceral scenes of elation depicted in the BBC coverage of England’s goals against Germany in the Last 16 (BBC Sport, 2021a) to demonstrate this. This match was against an old footballing rival that often comes out victorious and was played under the backdrop of recent covid lockdowns, where social interaction was at a premium. These goals depict thousands of people hugging complete strangers, jumping up and down in joy and cheering loudly in unison, even cutting to the Royal Family’s box to highlight their own celebrations. These were scenes that were shared outside of the stadium, among all classes and demographics, within many pubs and households throughout the country (Abel et al. 2007, pp. 100). Thus, many used these moments of sporting triumph as an opportunity for mutually wild celebration, which were both intensely impassioned and immensely human. With this in mind, we can see how the England national team’s tournament campaign’s aid in providing both that sense of imagined community (Anderson 2006), with all its intangible and often ambiguous concepts, whilst also providing essential collective experiences under the guise of comradery in nationhood.
Media Events: C’mon England!
As was discussed in the example above, the England team often provides national moments of shared experience when they play in major tournaments. According to Dayan and Katz, such contests ‘interrupt daily media routines and attract large simultaneous audiences’ in the hope of creating moments of ‘mechanical solidarity’ (1992, pp. 197). They claim that such moments are presented as the ‘battles of champions’ where the stakes of their successes or failures are very high (Dayan and Katz 1992, pp. 26). Huizinga’s thoughts support this, as she states that the two ever present forms which allow a civilisation’s growth are found within ‘sacred performances and the festal contest’ (1949), with sporting contests arguably acting as a perfect intersection between both. Thus, both these and Dayan and Katz ideas around media events (1992), specifically contests, show how the media attempts to present such occasions as a part of a national mythology, placing them within a rich tapestry of national history and identity (Alabarces et al. 2001).
The England football team’s history is often presented as a gripping narrative, with highs and lows, heroes and villains all coming together to form a national story (Alabarces et al. 2001). There are numerous examples that can be used to show how the national football team’s participation in media events is mythologised within media discourse. One example of such mythologising comes from a National Theatre production titled Dear England (Graham 2023), which dramatises the exploits of the England team within Southgate’s managerial tenure. This is a fascinating piece of media to dissect, as it presents the England football team’s tournament results within a traditional narrative structure with conflicts, a climax and even some form of resolution, despite the fact that the crowning achievement of a tournament victory was not achieved. Similarly, many pieces of promotional media before matches use artistic forms such as poetry to mythologise England’s media events. For example, uploaded to the England FC official YouTube channel, a promo before the EURO 2020 final includes the lines:
“The hearts we had, the guts we showed
We wouldn’t stop, we couldn’t fold
Three Lions came here for the throne.”
(England FC 2021)
Therefore, much like the dramatised play, symbolism, metaphor and aggrandisement is used throughout England’s coverage of media events such as EURO 2020, to help place the contest within a grander national story.
The England Team and Banal Nationalism:
Another theory which can be used when analysing the England national football team, is Billig’s idea of ‘banal nationalism’ (2010). Billig uses the term to ‘cover the ideological habits which enable the established nations of the West to be reproduced’ (2010, pp. 6). He states that nationalism is an ‘endemic condition’ (2010, pp. 6) within established nations, because of the ever-present features and symbols that make up banal nationalism. If we look to the England national team with this in mind, we can see how it acts as one of the prime contributors of endemic English nationalism, being one of its most universally acceptable forms (Abell et al., pp. 97). This is because, as an institution, it lives within the realms of sporting competition, which is often celebrated worldwide as a healthy and relatively unproblematic way to express pride in one's nation.
These thoughts even cross the boundaries of typical political ideology, which is usually split when it comes to most ideas of nationalism. As Billig points out, ‘all the papers, whatever their politics’ use the sports section as a place where ‘the flag is waved with regular enthusiasm’ (2010, pp. 119). Moreover, the England team's iconography of three lions adorning a clean white shirt is one of the key symbols of English banal nationalism, standing alongside St. George’s flag or the monarchy, as a primary signifier of Englishness within the country's collective psyche (Gibbons 2014b, pp. 72).
Moreover, despite major events, such as the World Cup and EUROS, being where the majority within England follow their team’s fortunes, the England team as an institution still plays a big part in instilling banal nationalism outside of these major biennial tournaments. With frequent friendly fixtures and an ever-present news cycle charting the team's developments, there is plenty for the avid England fan to dig their teeth into on a daily basis, which requires little emotional investment (Skey 2014). This also aligns with Billig’s ideas, as he believes that banal nationalism is not a flag waved with ‘fervent passion’, but a flag ‘hanging unnoticed on the public building’ (1995, pp. 8).
Moreover, with a wide-reaching social media presence, there has been a significant push to make today’s players feel more personable and connected to their fanbase, often showing a more jovial and fun side of the players through online videos (England FC YouTube Channel). This use of modern communication avenues allows them to further ingratiate themselves within the English public’s media consumption, thus reinforcing their own palatable brand of pride in England, which in turn reproduces banal nationalism (Billig 2010).
This is England, Modern England:
Billig states that ‘banal does not imply benign’ (2010, pp. 6) when it comes to banal nationalism. He states that nationalism has often been observed as ‘Janus-faced’, having both positive and negative sides to reconcile. In terms of the England football team, despite the positive aspects of the institution which have been addressed, it is important to point out that for nationalism to take hold, there has to be an element of binary thinking that creates an us, the nation, and them, the other (Anderson 2006, pp. 141). As Herzfeld states, ‘the language of national identity is… about inclusion and exclusion (1997, pp. 43). Although, one could argue that sport allows for the healthiest creation of the ‘other’ possible, where this us versus them mentality is confined to the boundaries of regulated competition, where mutual respect for the rules and one's opponent is paramount (Bairner and Han 2022). However, in England’s case (Gibbons 2014a, pp. 4), there are numerous unfortunate examples of inward looking ‘othering’, with one of the more heinous examples coming after the EURO 2020 finals. After missing their penalties, black English players were subjected to a barrage of racist abuse online, leading to overwhelming condemnation of the perpetrators from the media (BBC News 2021b).
Even before these specific instances, there was already some degree of racial tension coming from a minority of England fans before EURO 2020. Southgate’s open letter to the public discussed previously, was initially composed in response to some fans booing at the start of matches as the players took the knee in solidarity with the BlackLivesMatter movement (BBC News 2022). However, despite the negative reception of some fans, one could argue that such examples of action against racial injustice from the national team and the media surrounding it, shows how the modern England team itself aims to foster a more progressive and inclusive form of national identity (Goldblatt 2021).
Under Southgate, England players from many different backgrounds have fought back against racism and discrimination, using their platform to promote a more positive type of national pride and diverse English identity. Thus, despite how the national team can act as a catalyst for some exclusionary nationalistic behaviour from external sources, the actions of the manager, players and major media outlets covering them, all aim to reproduce a more inclusive idea of Englishness and minimise the problematic elements of banal nationalism described by Billig (2010).
Conclusions:
To conclude, this essay has shown how a multitude of theories can be applied when analysing how the media coverage surrounding the England national football team, and specifically its EURO 2020 campaign, reproduces the idea of the nation. Firstly, the England football team is a fundamental institution of the imagined community, as it acts as a simple, unambiguous representation of England, which is highly visible and distills down the abstract and often obtuse concepts of Englishness. Moreover, because of its tangible nature combined with its sporting provenance, media of the England team also creates nationwide moments of both elation and despair, which the public uses for emotional catharsis and to quench their drive for true comradeship and togetherness. These nationwide moments come from the contests described within Dayan and Katz major events theory, where in EURO 2020 for example, we saw a national storyline become mythologised within media. Content such as poetic promotional material and even National Theatre productions come together to produce an aggrandised narrative of the team’s exploits, which in turn reflects an enticing storyline of England as a nation.
However, it is not just in these major events that the idea of England as a nation is reproduced, as the team also expresses the more subtle aspects of banal nationalism. It does this through its recognisable iconography, such as the three lions, whilst also constantly staying present within the nation’s collective psyche, through year-round news coverage and social media posts. Moreover, the banal nationalism created by media of the team can inspire bigotry, much like all institutions of nationalism. This was shown from the racist abuse received by black players after the EURO 2020 final. However, these instances also demonstrate how the modern England team itself aims to minimise the blast radius of this negative side of banal nationalism, by promoting inclusion and a more modern, accepting view of Englishness to the nation.
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